Filip Kovacevic: Who Shot Lieutenant Podrezov?

“Remember that what you are told is really threefold: shaped by the teller, reshaped by the listener, concealed from both by the dead man of the tale.” --- Vladimir Nabokov

                                                  

It was mid-February 1945 in northwestern Lithuania. World War Two had entered its final phase. The Soviet Red Army was fighting the retreating German forces. The dense forest areas between the towns of Šiauliai and Telšiai were patrolled by the military units of the Second Baltic Front. The Front's headquarters of the Soviet military counterintelligence directorate known as the SMERSH (Russian acronym for “Death to Spies”) reported the capture of a group of suspected German spies.

One of the unnamed captives carried the identification documents of a Soviet infantry officer, Lieutenant Aleksey G. Podrezov.[1] Podrezov had been missing since November 1944. He had left his unit on a 10-day leave and never returned. What happened to him? The Soviet military prosecutors of the 3rd Air Army opened an investigation.

The basic biographical details on Podrezov were easily obtained. He was born in Ukraine, in the Dnipro (Dnepropetrovsk) region in 1919.[2]. He had general education (seven grades) and was recruited into the Red Army in 1939. In uniform from the first day of the war, Podrezov became a candidate for membership in the Komsomol in 1942. He then completed an officers’ course which led to his promotion to lieutenant in 1944. He seemed a promising young man rising up the ladder of Soviet military hierarchy in wartime conditions. 

Another document offered a more detailed account of the last year in Podrezov’s life.[3] On April 2, 1944, Podrezov reported for service in the 47th Infantry Division and was named the head of a mortar battalion in the Division's 148th Regiment on the same day. About three months later, on June 27, 1944, he was wounded in battle and then dispatched to a hospital in the rear for recovery and recuperation.[4] The wound must have been serious considering that Podrezov returned to his regiment only a couple months later. It seems that his troubles began after his return. Had his attitude toward the military service and the war in general undergone a dramatic change?

The first indication that something was amiss was the fact that he was not re-appointed to his previous position as the head of a mortar battalion. Instead, he was put in charge of the burial unit, a much lower and generally disliked post. Angered, or perhaps suffering from some kind of physical anguish, Podrezov apparently did not do a good job even at this lowly post and was relieved of command on October 10.[5]

Obviously wanting to get out of the unpleasant situation, Podrezov requested a 10-day leave from the regiment commander, Major Vasily Marushkov. He reportedly told Marushkov that he was going to visit his uncle who served as a colonel in the headquarters of the First Baltic Front. Marushkov approved the request but the documents certifying his decision appeared to have been lost or destroyed.  

Given that the identity of Podrezov’s uncle was never established, it is possible that he was invented by Podrezov as an excuse to leave his unit. Evidently, military investigators also had their suspicions and required Marushkov to report all he knew about Podrezov’s request. In order to assess potential favoritism or corruption, they also obtained Marushkov’s personal information.[6] Nothing improper was found.           

In his hand-written report, Marushkov stated that he reported Podrezov’s absence to his superiors at the end of November but was told that Podrezov had probably stayed with his uncle at the headquarters.[7] Nobody seemed overly concerned that Podrezov was missing. It is likely that they did not want him back anyway. But would they go so far as to plan, execute, and cover up his death? They had the know-how, they had the means, but did they really do it? 

The account of the last hours of Podrezov’s life was provided by a Lithuanian villager Simonas Skotis. According to Skotis, on January 28, 1945 (more than two months after leaving his unit), Podrezov appeared at his farm in the woods near the small village of Luoke (Lukniki) in the company of two “unidentified” individuals dressed as soldiers of the Red Army.[8] The three said they were members of the Luoke NKVD (state security) unit. While at Skotis’s house, they began to drink heavily and, according to Skotis, Podrezov used his gun to force a female inhabitant (referred to in the report as an “unidentified female citizen”) to drink with them. Skotis was silent as to whether this aggressive action led to any subsequent sexual violence. He only stated that after their bout of drinking was over, Podrezov and one of the soldiers left for another farm in search of a certain sergeant Shvetsov who supposedly lived there.

This was when things took a strange turn. According to Skotis, soon after Podrezov and the soldier left, the remaining soldier exited the house and began waiting for the two to come back in a sort of ambush. When he saw them returning, he fired on Podrezov, killing him at the spot. The soldiers then took Podrezov’s gun and field bag, ripped off his shoulder straps, and vanished. 

To what extent was Skotis’s testimony reliable? Major Levin, a Soviet military prosecutor reviewing the case, must have had his doubts, given that he expressed his surprise that no additional witnesses were interrogated.[9] Skotis could have easily been suspected to have been an accomplice to the murder of a Soviet officer. Yet, he was let go without any sanctions. It looked as if he had been protected by local authorities who first reported Podrezov’s death to the Soviets. He was likely an informer who was still needed for future covert work.

Interestingly, in his account, Skotis mentioned that only Podrezov took an aggressive action against a woman in his house and said nothing about his two companions. Were they just passive observers, or was he trying to make Podrezov - who, being dead, could offer no rebuttal - look as bad as possible, almost deserving of his tragic fate? Perhaps Skotis was afraid that those two “soldiers” would come back and take their revenge on him if he revealed too much to the investigators.

But who were these “soldiers”? Their identity was never discovered. Major Levin closed the case without having the answer. He only recommended that those in Podrezov’s regiment who had failed to report his absence to the headquarters be reprimanded.[10] He did not say a word about continuing the search for the killers.

Were they really NKVD, or were they in fact Lithuanian anti-Soviet resistance fighters dressed up as NKVD to fool a Soviet deserter roaming the woods, who was as afraid of his own as of the enemy? Most likely, they were the resistance fighters. Still, after having reviewed the case, I can’t shake off the impression that Podrezov was an inconvenient witness to both sides.

     

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NOTES

^[1] “Спецсообщение начальнику Управления контрразведки ‘СМЕРШ’ 2-го Прибалтийского фронта [Special Report to the Head of the Directorate of Counterintelligence ‘SMERSH’ of the 2^nd Baltic Front,” February 21, 1945. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p.109. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution. I gratefully acknowledge the Hoover Institution Library & Archives as an essential resource in the development of these materials. The views expressed in this publication are entirely my own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the fellows, staff, or Board of Overseers of the Hoover Institution.

^[2] “Справка на б/служащего проходившего службу в 148 стрельковом полку лейтенента Подрезова Алексея Георгиевича [Information on the former service member serving in the 148^th Rifle Regiment Lieutenant Podrezov Aleksey Goergiyevich], February 17, 1945. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p.119. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution. Another document stated that he was born in 1917. See “Справка [Information], February 17, 1945. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p.118. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution.

^[3] “Справка [Information], February 16, 1945. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p.117. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution.

^[4] “Справка на б/служащего проходившего службу в 148 стрельковом полку лейтенента Подрезова Алексея Георгиевича [Information on the former service member serving in the 148^th Rifle Regiment Lieutenant Podrezov Aleksey Goergiyevich], p.119.

^[5] “Спецсообщение начальнику Управления контрразведки ‘СМЕРШ’ 2-го Прибалтийского фронта [Special Report to the Head of the Directorate of Counterintelligence ‘SMERSH’ of the 2^nd Baltic Front,” p.109.

^[6] “Справка на начальника штаба 148 СП майора Маружкова Василия Михайловича [Information on the chief of the stuff of the 148^th Rifle Regiment Major Maryshkov Vasily Mikhailovich],” February 17, 1945. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p.111. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution.   

[7] “Сообщение начальнику УК ‘СМЕРШ’ 47 СД [Report to the head of the Directorate of Counterintelligence ‘SMERSH’ of the 47^th Rifle Division],” February 17, 1945. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, pp.110, 110 reverse. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution. 

[8] “Спецсообщение начальнику Управления контрразведки ‘СМЕРШ’ 2-го Прибалтийского фронта [Special Report to the Head of the Directorate of Counterintelligence ‘SMERSH’ of the 2^nd Baltic Front,” p.109 reverse.

[9] “Военному прокурору 6-й гвардейской армии – гвардии подполковнику июстиции тов. Нельсону [To the Military Prosecutor of the 6^th Guard Army – Guard Lieutenant Colonel of Justice Comrade Nelson], undated. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p. 121. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution.

[10] “Военному прокурору 6-й гвардейской армии – гвардии подполковнику июстиции тов. Нельсону [To the Military Prosecutor of the 6^th Guard Army – Guard Lieutenant Colonel of Justice Comrade Nelson], undated. Fond K-1, Op. 45, File 1832, p. 123. Lietuvos TSR Valstybės Saugumo Komitetas [Lithuanian KGB] Selected Records, Hoover Institution.

Filip Kovacevic: Agent GRANITE: A KGB Fake Defector in Early Cold War Germany

 At an unspecified date in the early 1960s, the First Department of the Lithuanian Republican branch of the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) responsible for foreign intelligence operations produced a 6-page summary of what it considered to have been a successful case of infiltrating the Lithuanian emigre and U.S. intelligence circles in West Germany.[1] Analyzing this original KGB document offers valuable insights on how Soviet intelligence ran fake defector operations during the first decade of the Cold War.

The main protagonist in this particular operation was an individual codenamed GRANITE (in Lithuanian, GRANITAS). According to the document, GRANITE was born in 1922 and joined the armed anti-Soviet Lithuanian resistance during World War Two. He was arrested by Soviet state security in 1948 and recruited to work against his former comrades in the resistance. The details of his activities during this period were not described in the document, but it was stated that GRANITE proved to be “capable, courageous, decisive, honest, and loyal,” which recommended him for more “complex” assignments beyond the Soviet borders.

With the approval of Moscow Center, GRANITE was trained for a foreign intelligence mission in West Germany. In addition to practical operational training (presumably, foreign intelligence tradecraft, such as communicating via secret writing, receiving instruction via radio, and servicing dead drops), he also received advanced German language lessons.

The task given to GRANITE was to cross into West Germany illegally and report to the nearest West German police station or U.S. military post that he was an agent of Soviet intelligence who wanted to defect. He was to reveal that he was sent to infiltrate the Lithuanian emigre circles, more specifically the ranks of the Lithuanian emigre organization named the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK) based in Reutlingen. The cover story he was supposed to share with the VLIK was that he was a member of the Lithuanian resistance movement sent to arrange the shipments of Western aid and provide secure site locations for aid air drops.

In addition, GRANITE was to set up a one-on-one meeting with Martynas Gelžinis, described as the head of the VLIK’s Press Department.[2] He was to “remind” Gelžinis of his obligations before Soviet intelligence whose agent Gelžinis had agreed to become in 1941 in exchange for release from the NKVD prison and safe transit to Germany. GRANITE was to tell Gelžinis that his Soviet handler expected to see him in Berlin and to give him 200 West German marks for the trip expenses. To convince Gelžinis that he knew of his hidden past, GRANITE was to show him a photocopy of his 1941 agreement to collaborate. Since Soviet intelligence was convinced that Gelžinis would never actually spy for them, it used this maneuver to compromise Gelžinis in the eyes of his German and American allies and cast suspicion on his anti-Soviet activities and statements.

According to the document, GRANITE’s illegal crossing into West Germany took place on October 26, 1956, in the region of the East German town of Sonneberg.[3] After crossing, GRANITE showed up at the U.S. military headquarters in the West German town of Coburg about 12 miles southwest from Sonneberg. He was put under arrest and transported to the U.S. military prison in the town of Kronberg near Frankfurt where he was held in solitary confinement until January 11, 1957.[4]

In a later testimony to his Soviet handlers, GRANITE claimed that after being arrested, he was stripped naked and all his personal items, including money, were taken from him. He was interrogated daily by U.S. intelligence officers and was sometimes woken up in the middle of the night and taken to interrogation. He alleged that there were cases of his interrogators showing up drunk and verbally insulting and threatening him, but there was no physical contact or abuse. He reported that his interrogators were convinced that he was a fake detector sent by Soviet intelligence to deceive them [and they were correct], but he held firm and stuck to his story.

According to GRANITE, during the interrogations, U.S. intelligence officers used the so-called lie detector tests. However, it turned out that answering some simple, elementary questions led to GRANITE’s strong and unexpected physiological reactions and the use of the lie detector had to be abandoned as ineffective. The document did not state whether GRANITE was trained by Soviet intelligence to react in this way, but there was a strong hint in that direction. The possibility that already in the mid-1950s the KGB knew how to crack the lie detector is troubling.

On January 11, 1957, GRANITE was taken to Reutlingen to meet with the representatives of the VLIK. He was soon transferred to Frankfurt, given a spacious apartment (4 rooms plus kitchen), and assigned a monthly stipend of 400 West German marks. However, he was kept under U.S. intelligence surveillance and prohibited to contact anybody from the Lithuanian emigre circles on his own. He was also prohibited from contacting his sister who allegedly lived in the U.S.

Several months later, GRANITE was taken by U.S. intelligence officers to meet with Gelžinis and confront him with the ‘evidence’ that he had agreed to collaborate with the NKVD in 1941. According to the document, Gelžinis panicked, having realized that the U.S. military discovered his deeply held ‘secret.’ The goal of Soviet intelligence thus appeared to have been accomplished. Gelžinis was compromised and, according to the document, subsequently had many “unpleasant” interactions with the anti-Soviet diaspora.[5]

At the same time, the ‘generous’ treatment of GRANITE by U.S. intelligence also had a clear goal. According to the document, U.S. intelligence officers wanted to persuade GRANITE to return to Lithuania and work for them as an agent in place. They promised him that he would be remunerated via packages sent from the UK to one of his acquaintances there.[6] Thus, ironically, a Soviet intelligence fake defector was now being asked by U.S. intelligence to fake defect back. And, as if to underscore the Cold War’s “wilderness of mirrors,” GRANITE agreed. Well, fakely.

Under U.S. intelligence instruction, GRANITE contacted his Soviet intelligence handler and arranged a face-to-face meeting. He was to ask the handler to assist him in his return to Lithuania. However, the handler convinced GRANITE that returning to Lithuania and pretending to work for U.S. intelligence would not justify the time and investment that Soviet intelligence had already put into his training. Instead, he was to try to stay in West Germany at any cost. He was to return to Frankfurt and tell his U.S. handlers that the Soviets did not want him back [which was true].

To address the ever-present Soviet intelligence suspicion that their agent might have actually begun working for the adversary, GRANITE seemed to have been asked to confirm his full allegiance to the Soviet Union. The document had him quoted as saying: “In Lithuania, I was one of the best Soviet intelligence agents, and now, working abroad, I will not push my face into the dirt.”

Needless to say, U.S. intelligence personnel in Frankfurt were hardly happy to hear about GRANITE’s lack of success in returning to Lithuania and they continued to keep him under surveillance. They asked him to write and publish anti-Soviet articles and take part in anti-Soviet radio programs. However, GRANITE rejected this using the excuse that he feared his family living in Lithuania would suffer as a result. 

According to the document, in February 1957,[7] a Lithuanian emigre newspaper in Brazil published an article about GRANITE as a Soviet intelligence agent who defected in West Germany. Soviet intelligence took the publication of this article as a sign that U.S. intelligence accepted GRANITE’s defection as genuine. By publicly acknowledging his identity, U.S. intelligence could no longer use him as a clandestine agent in Lithuania.

Indeed, GRANITE seemed to have been given more free reign in how he conducted his daily life in the months following the publication of the article. He was able to get employment as a member of the Lithuanian brigade engaged in unloading U.S. weapons and ammunition in a suburb of Kaiserslautern, a regional center about 60 miles southwest of Frankfurt. According to the document, GRANITE’s job enabled Soviet intelligence to gain valuable information about U.S. military capabilities in West Germany.

Soviet intelligence communication with GRANITE involved the use of several different techniques, including face-to-face meetings with handlers and couriers, secret writing correspondence using safe house addresses in Berlin and Lithuania, dead drops, and coded radio instructions.

In the early 1960s, GRANITE seemed to have requested to return to Lithuania ostensibly to reunite with his family and was successfully repatriated via “a neutral country” in May 1962.

Several recently released documents indicate that GRANITE’s work for the Lithuanian KGB may have continued into the 1970s and even the 1980s, but the specific details of these operations require more research.

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NOTES

^[1] “Вывод на длительное время агента ‘Гранитаса’ за кордон” [Sending Agent GRANITE Abroad for an Extended Period of Time], Undated, Lithuanian Special Archives, F. K-35, ap. 2, b. 1, l. 26-31, first published by The Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania, https://www.kgbveikla.lt/docs/show/5278/from:538. Accessed on May 9, 2024.

^[2] For a biography of Martynas Gelžinis (1907-1990), see “A Biography [in Lithuanian],” Mažosios Lietuvos enciklopedija, https://www.mle.lt/straipsniai/martynas-gelzinis. Accessed on May 9, 2024.

^[3] The document mistakenly provided the name of the town as Sonnenberg. However, the town in question was Sonneberg located in Thuringia rather than Sonnenberg, a suburb of Wiesbaden.

^[4] Another typo in the document. The year was 1957, not 1956.

^[5] Interestingly, according to Gelžinis’s publicly available biography, during the same year in which his meeting with GRANITE took place, he left West Germany and immigrated to the U.S. He continued being involved in the VLIK’s activities, but perhaps with less intensity. His book on the relations between the Lithuanians and the Germans in the Klaipeda region was published posthumously in 1996.

^[6] The full name of this person was included in the document, but there were no details on her subsequent fate.

^[7] This date seems unreliable in the context of the narrative. It seems more likely that the article was published at a later date.

Filip Kovacevic: The Uralov Report - A Literary Reconstruction of a Top Secret KGB File

This article was originally published in the Winter 2022 Newsletter of the North American Society for Intelligence History (NASIH).